By Ernest T. Abdel-Massih
It is a dictionary in 4 components: (1) alphabetical directory of Tamazight-English; (2) alphabetical directory of English-Tamazight; (3) alphabetically prepared cultural different types; (4) linguistic lexicon containing listings in response to notice starting place and grammatical different types. Over 10,000 entries.
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Extra info for A Computerized Lexicon of Tamazight: Berber Dialect of Ayt Seghrouchen
Weiss concludes that the origin of the periphrastic tuon must have occurred some time before it found its way into written texts: Wir begnügen uns daher vorläufig mit der Feststellung, dass die Entwicklung kaus. , 15. und 16. Jh. in der krankhaft [siel·, NL] gesteigerten Verwendung des periphrastischen [tuon] gipfelte. (Weiss 1956: 180) With regard to the regional origin for the construction, no specific region can be located, as the periphrasis is first attested in different dialects at around the same time (Weiss 1956: 180).
12 Cf. ). e. negation, emphasis and interrogatives, with the development of emphatic do being later or slower than the use of do in other distributions. Görlach (1991: 120) makes a direct chronological link between the grammaticalisation of do in questions and negative sentences, the abolishing of optional do in affirmative sentences and the régularisation of emphatic do. 1700, the periphrastic do reaches the grammatical status that it has today (Brunner 1962: 330, Ellegârd 1953, Görlach 1991: 119, Hausmann 1974: 170, Stein 1992: 133, 143).
The fact that speakers of a high education background are much less likely to use periphrastic doen than speakers of lower education levels suggests that speakers are aware of the sociolinguistic stigma that is attached to the construction. This has already been spelled out above. This links up well with the situation also found in contemporary colloquial German, where auxiliary tun is generally regarded as substandard. Speakers in general will deny that they are using it,7 regardless of whether they actually do or not.